U.S. States & Regions
States and regions across the country are adopting climate policies, including the development of regional greenhouse gas reduction markets, the creation of state and local climate action and adaptation plans, and increasing renewable energy generation. Read More
On November 4 and 5, 2003, the Pew Center on Global Climate Change, under a grant from the Joyce Foundation, held a workshop in Chicago, IL, on State Policy Solutions to Climate Change. This workshop brought together state officials from Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. State agencies represented included Agriculture, Commerce, Natural Resources, Environmental Protection, Administration, Energy, and Transportation. The purpose of the workshop was to have state officials share their experiences in implementing programs that reduce greenhouse gases and to reflect on the lessons learned.
The governors of the three Pacific states announced September 22, 2003, that they would work together to develop policies that address climate change. Governors Ted Kulongoski of Oregon, Gray Davis of California, and Gary Locke of Washington have directed their staffs to cooperate during the next year to arrive at policy recommendations for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The recommendations, which are to be presented to the governors no later than September 1, 2004, will address ways that the three states can work together to obtain fuel efficient vehicles, reduce emissions from diesel fuel, encourage renewable energy production, implement uniform efficiency standards, and develop coordinated greenhouse gas emission inventories, protocols for reporting, and accounting methods for greenhouse gas emissions. "Our current federal policies will not lead to a reduction in emissions of the greenhouse gasses associated with climate change," said Governor Locke. "The governors of the West Coast states have concluded that in the absence of meaningful federal action, we must act individually and regionally to address the sources of global warming".
General Motors, DaimlerChrysler, and Isuzu announced August 12, 2003, that they had reached a settlement with the California Air Resources Board (ARB) regarding California's 1990 zero emission vehicle legislation. The companies agreed to drop their lawsuit in exchange for modifications made to the rule. The adapted rule gives companies two choices for meeting their ZEV requirements. The first option is to sell a mix of zero emission vehicles, hybrid-electric vehicles, and extremely clean gasoline-powered vehicles, adding up to ten percent of total vehicles sales. Instead of fulfilling the zero-emission portion of that mix, automakers may choose to produce a certain number of fuel cell vehicles, beginning with a sales-weighted market share of 250 fuel cell vehicles in 2008 and rising gradually to reach 50,000 vehicles in 2015.
Governors from ten Northeast states announced July 24, 2003, that they would join together in a regional strategy to reduce carbon dioxide emissions from power plants. New York's Governor Pataki sent out letters in April to the governors from ten other Northeast states requesting their participation in the development of a regional cap-and-trade program. The governors from Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New Jersey responded with interest in working with New York. Maryland declined to participate now, but may join discussions later.
On June 26, 2003, Connecticut Governor John Rowland signed legislation amending the state's Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS). Connecticut's RPS defines two categories of renewable energy, Class I and Class II, and sets separate requirements for both classes. Under the amended law, Class I includes wind, solar PV, fuel cells, methane gas from landfills, ocean thermal power, wave or tidal power, and some hydropower and biomass. Hydropower facilities that began operation before July 1, 2003 or have a capacity of 5 MW or more are no longer eligible for Class I requirements, which are set at 1 percent in 2004, rising to 7 percent by 2010. Class II includes municipal solid waste facilities, along with certain hydropower and biomass facilities that do not qualify under Class I. Class II requirements are set at 3 percent from 2004 through 2010. Under the previous RPS, renewable requirements applied only to competitive electric suppliers; the new RPS extends the requirements to utilities, which serve the majority of Connecticut's customers.
North Carolina's Division of Air Quality (DAQ) within the Department of Environment and Natural Resources has released the first of a series of three reports assessing the impact of North Carolina's Clean Smokestack's Act (CSA) on carbon dioxide emissions. The report is in fulfillment of requirements of the Clean Smokestacks Act, passed and signed by Governor Mike Easley in June of 2002. The Act is focused primarily on putting stringent controls for SO2 and NOx on the state's 14 major coal-fired power plants. However, Sections 12 and 13 of this Act require the DAQ to study the effects of these controls on CO2 and mercury and what the added costs and benefits would be to further reduce these pollutants from additional controls on coal-fired power plants and other stationary sources. The reports are required each September for 2003, 2004 and 2005, for each pollutant. The current report, primarily pulled from existing references and reports, makes substantial observations and conclusions, but no recommendations at this time. The report presents a policy background on the issue, details emissions from North Carolina sources, and lists some options for reducing carbon emissions and increasing carbon sequestration.
Back to Main FAQs Page
What can the average individual do to help combat climate change? Can it be an individual effort, or is this really the responsibility of corporations and governments to resolve?
- Participation by individuals is key to ultimately curbing global climate change.
- The following are examples of effective, yet simple activities: reducing energy use at home by purchasing energy efficient home appliances; planting trees to absorb carbon from the atmosphere; walking or taking public transportation instead of driving; making smart consumer choices by purchasing environmentally sound products and energy-efficient vehicles; and practicing waste minimization, product reuse, and recycling.
How are we going to reduce carbon dioxide emissions with an increased consumer demand for power?
- First, not all GHG emissions are CO2 emissions, and not all CO2 emissions are from power use. So you can reduce GHG emissions in other sectors like agriculture, forestry, and waste management without even addressing power. In addition, expanding the production of renewable energy and improving energy efficiency are ways to meet consumer demands for power without increasing CO2 emissions.
What are states doing to address climate change?
- States have shown a great deal of interest in mitigating climate change. They have found that activities that reduce GHG emissions also have other benefits such as curbing pollution, reducing traffic, and generally improving the local quality of life.
- States have conducted GHG inventories and initiated state action plans that identify and implement policies to reduce GHG emissions.
- Other state initiative include providing loans and tax incentives to encourage energy efficiency, investing in carbon sequestration research and public transportation, establishing registries for businesses to report their GHG emissions reductions, and providing venues for trading emissions credits.
- For more information on state action, visit our database of state case studies or read our report.
Over the past several years, how much has the development of clean coal technology reduced greenhouse gas emissions in the US? Do you see a real potential for its use?
- Clean coal technology is a generic term for a set of technologies that reduce harmful emissions from coal burning. Some of these technologies reduce greenhouse gas emissions, but some only address other air pollutants, such as sulfur dioxide. Thus far clean coal technology has made a greater impact on these other pollutants, but there are promising technologies that would reduce GHG emissions from coal burning, or would capture and sequester CO2 emissions from coal burning. To the extent we continue to use coal, it is important to take advantage of these technologies.
What role, if any, can renewable energy play in CO2 reduction?
- Renewable energy plays a small role now, but it is expected to play an increasingly important role over time. Wind and biomass energy are already cost-competitive with other forms of electric generation in some instances. Great technological strides have been made recently in hydrogen-powered fuel cells. There is enormous potential for solar energy and hydrogen to power our homes and cars in the future.
- Several states have adopted renewable portfolio standards that require an increasing role for renewables as sources of electric power.
Because transportation accounts for a significant of greenhouse gas emissions internationally, how do you propose we reduce emissions in this sector? What do you think the technologies of the future may be?
- Some technologies that will reduce emissions are already here, such as hybrid-electric vehicles like the Toyota Prius.
- There have been exciting breakthroughs in hydrogen-powered fuel cells. Both fuel cells and biofuels are potential options for the future.
- In the United States, it is likely that alternative and replacement fuels along with vehicle efficiency improvements will be the focus of a transportation emission mitigation strategy, rather than reducing driving. However, policies such as better traffic management, better urban design, and promotion of telecommuting might achieve multiple benefits, including GHG emission reductions.
Report: Reducing Greenhouse Gas Emissions from U.S. Transportation
In Brief: Taking Climate Change into Account in U.S. Transportation
Can we really live without fossil fuels, and what are the alternatives?
- Yes, we can move away from fossil fuels, but not overnight. Our economy is currently dependent on fossil fuels, but it is not necessary that it remain dependent on them. Over time, with innovation, market incentives, and the right policies, we can transition to different fuels, different infrastructure, higher efficiency, and different technologies.
- We need to concentrate on the development of alternative energy sources such as wind energy and solar power. Technological innovation in energy efficiency is also important.
How will workers be affected as climate change policies are implemented? And how can the adverse impacts be reduced?
- While it is important to recognize that the costs of addressing climate change are likely to fall disproportionately on certain industries, communities, and workers, the design and implementation of effective government programs can greatly assist workers adversely affected by climate change policies.
- Programs may include substantial retraining and education for laid-off workers, advance notice of layoffs when possible, substantial income support for program participants, and maintenance of laid-off workers' health and pension benefits until they find suitable employment.
Report: Community Adjustment to Climate Change Policy
Report: Worker Transition: Global Climate Change
Greenhouse & Statehouse: The Evolving State Government Role in Climate Change
Prepared for the Pew Center on Global Climate Change
Barry G. Rabe, University of Michigan
The current level of state activity surrounding the issue of climate change is striking. Measures that have proven controversial at the federal level, such as renewable portfolio standards and mandatory reporting of greenhouse gas emissions, have been implemented at the state level, often with little dissent.
In this report, author Barry Rabe of the University of Michigan describes a diverse array of state initiatives to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Based on case studies of nine states - Georgia, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Jersey, North Carolina, Oregon, Texas, and Wisconsin - the report identifies the strengths as well as the limitations of these state-level initiatives, some of which could serve as prototypes for federal programs.
A number of themes emerged from the case studies. Foremost among these is that there are multiple drivers that influence states to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions, and states derive multiple benefits from doing so. New Jersey, for example, views climate change explicitly and comprehensively, and has integrated all sectors of the economy into programs to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Conversely, Texas passed an ambitious renewable portfolio standard primarily out of a desire to ensure long-term energy security for its residents, to secure its position as an "energy state," and to take advantage of increasing opportunities in renewable energy.
Indeed, state climate change efforts illustrate that climate change can be a bipartisan issue, an economic development opportunity, and an opportunity for policy entrepreneurship. But state action is not a substitute for a comprehensive national or international approach. A number of factors limit the ability of states to address climate change, including the reluctance of some states to deal with the issue, constitutional limits to their engagement in international relations, limited funding, and potential inefficiencies if states address climate change in different, incompatible ways. Rather, state leadership is getting the United States started down the path of reducing greenhouse gas emissions and providing learning opportunities for policy-makers. We would do well to be mindful of their successes as we work toward federal and international programs, and actively involve states in their design and implementation.
The Center and the author wish to thank Tom Arrandale, Bill Becker of STAPPA-ALAPCO, John Dernbach of Widener Law School, David Terry of NASEO, Michael Winka, Athena Sarafides, Philip Mundo, Caroline Garber, Eric Mosher, Joanne Morin, Dana Runestad, Alex Belinky, Matthew Weinbaum, and John Shea for their comments on a previous draft of this report.
Most analysis of policy options to address global climate change has focused on national and international levels of governance. Even within the United States, most scholars and journalists have concentrated on federal government capacity to engage in international negotiations and formulate nation-wide policies. This emphasis has tended to overshadow a remarkably - and increasingly - active process of policy formulation evident in the American states. This report is intended to provide an overview of this aspect of American climate change policy, considering recent trends and highlighting a range of case studies that cut across traditional policy sectors.
States have been formulating climate change policy for more than a decade, although their efforts have expanded and intensified in the past several years. In some cases, states have considered climate change mitigation explicitly while in others it has been an incidental benefit. Reflective of the vast scope of activity that generates greenhouse gases, state policies have been enacted that reduce these emissions in such areas as promotion of renewable energy, air pollution control, agriculture and forestry, waste management, transportation, and energy development, among others. In almost all cases, there have been multiple drivers behind and multiple benefits from these state policies. In Texas, for example, the desire for energy independence, economic development, and air pollution control drove the state to promote renewable energy. Not all states have demonstrated interest in these initiatives and some legislatures have taken steps to prevent state agencies from pursuing any efforts that are designed to reduce greenhouse gases. Nonetheless, there has been a remarkable increase and diversification of state policies since the late 1990s, reflected in their current operation in every region of the country. Collectively, they constitute a diverse set of policy innovations rich with lessons for the next generation of American climate change policy.
Much of this report is devoted to an examination of leading examples of innovation in various sectors, from renewable energy efforts in Texas to a cross-cutting approach in New Jersey. Nine case studies are presented in particular depth, followed by supplemental cases where appropriate. These cases tend to vary markedly from one another in detail and yet are linked by common design characteristics. First, they tend to have been supported through broad, bipartisan coalitions that received significant support from diverse stakeholders. State climate change policies have been signed into law by Governors who are Democrats, Republicans, and Independents. Second, they regularly have viewed climate change mitigation as an economic development opportunity. State policies have been crafted to foster long-term economic well-being, which has contributed to their broad base of support. Third, they reflect abundant state-level opportunities for innovation and policy entrepreneurship, often involving state officials who build coalitions around a particular idea for new policy. Many of the most effective entrepreneurs are not particularly well known outside their respective states but have helped redefine climate change policy with their efforts.
When viewed as a collection of efforts, these initiatives outline possible elements of a long-term climate change strategy for the United States. Diffusion of innovation from one state to others is already occurring and clusters of contiguous states are beginning to consider cooperative efforts. Some of these policies may also serve as models that warrant emulation by the federal government in developing a more comprehensive strategy for the nation. This is entirely consistent with the long-standing tradition in American governance whereby states serve as laboratories for subsequent federal policy. In turn, the vigorous and creative nature of state innovation in this area suggests that any future federal policy initiatives on global climate change consider carefully the significant roles that state governments may be able to play in achieving long-term reduction of greenhouse gases.
For Immediate Release:
January 29, 2002
Contact: Katie Mandes
Climate Change Threatens Health of America's Lakes, Streams, Rivers and Wetlands
Washington, DC - Global climate change poses a serious threat to lakes, streams, rivers, and wetlands throughout the United States, according to a new report from the Pew Center on Global Climate Change. The temperature increases and variations in weather patterns projected for the next 100 years will result in changes in the geographic distribution of freshwater fish, interfere with the reproduction of many aquatic species, reduce water quality, and impose added stresses on wetlands and other sensitive aquatic ecosystems.
"The United States' freshwater and wetland ecosystems face multiple threats to their health and stability, including changes in land use, environmental pollution, and the diversion of water for drinking, irrigation, and other uses," said Eileen Claussen, President of the Pew Center on Global Climate Change. "To these threats we must now add the very real and very serious effects of global climate change and its potential to transform the essential character of our lakes, rivers, streams, and wetlands."
The Pew Center report, Aquatic Ecosystems and Climate Change: Potential Impacts on Inland Freshwater and Coastal Wetland Ecosystems in the United States, draws on a variety of sources to summarize researchers' current understanding of the potential impacts of climate change on U.S. aquatic ecosystems. Among the report's key conclusions:
- Increases in water temperatures as a result of climate change will alter the geographic distribution of aquatic plant and animal species. The severity of these impacts may be limited if species can migrate to new areas as climate changes. However, the ability of species to migrate may be compromised by human activities that block migration corridors, potentially causing reductions in biodiversity.
- Changes in precipitation will alter river and streamflows affecting ecosystem productivity and reducing water quality. Populations of aquatic organisms are sensitive to the effects of floods, droughts and other extreme weather events, which are likely to increase as a result of climate change.
- Climate change is likely to further stress sensitive freshwater and coastal wetlands. Wetlands throughout the United States already are adversely affected by a variety of human impacts. Climate change will add to the existing stresses on these fragile ecosystems in a variety of ways-most notably by causing global sea levels to rise and inundate coastal wetlands. Rising global temperatures also will cause the wetland areas of Alaska and Canada to release additional carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases into the atmosphere.
- Aquatic ecosystems have a limited ability to adapt to climate change. Governments, communities, businesses, and individual citizens can take a number of steps to reduce the likelihood of significant impacts to these systems while improving their ability to adapt to climate change. These include: maintaining riparian forests; reducing pollution from a variety of sources; restoring damaged ecosystems; minimizing groundwater withdrawal; and strategically placing new reservoirs to minimize their ecological impacts.
"Our rivers, lakes, streams, and wetlands support economically important fisheries and provide Americans with clean drinking water, water for irrigation, recreational opportunities, and more," said Claussen. "This report shows that climate change puts all of these services at risk, but it also shows there are things we can do to reduce that risk."
Part of "Environmental Impacts" Series
Aquatic Ecosystems and Global Climate Change was prepared for the Pew Center by N. LeRoy Poff, Mark M Brinson, and John W. Day, Jr. It is the seventh in a series of Pew Center reports examining the potential impacts of climate change on the U.S. environment. Other Pew Center series focus on domestic and international policy issues, climate change solutions, and the economics of climate change. A complete copy of this report -- and previous Pew Center reports -- is available on the Pew Center's web site, www.c2es.org.
The Pew Center was established in May 1998 by the Pew Charitable Trusts, one of the United States' largest philanthropies and an influential voice in efforts to improve the quality of the environment. The Pew Center is conducting studies, launching public education efforts and working with businesses to develop market-oriented solutions to reduce greenhouse gases. The Pew Center is led by Eileen Claussen, the former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs. The Pew Center includes the Business Environmental Leadership Council, which is composed of 36 major, largely Fortune 500 corporations all working with the Pew Center to address issues related to climate change. The companies do not contribute financially to the Pew Center - it is solely supported by contributions from charitable foundations.
Community Adjustment to Climate Change Policy
Prepared for the Pew Center on Global Climate Change
Judith M. Greenwald, Pew Center on Global Climate Change
Brandon Roberts, Brandon Roberts & Associates
Andrew D. Reamer, Andrew Reamer & Associates
Eileen Claussen, President, Pew Center on Global Climate Change
A Pew Center report series on the economics of climate change has identified many ways in which economic modeling can be improved to more reliably project the costs of greenhouse gas reduction policies. These studies show that better model design – for instance, more realistically portraying technological progress and flexibility in the economy – can yield substantially lower projections for the costs of addressing climate change. They provide strong evidence that a rational climate policy that sets realistic short-, medium-, and long-term goals can achieve significant environmental gains while minimizing economic costs.
At the same time, it is important to recognize that the costs of addressing climate change are likely to fall disproportionately on certain industries, communities, and workers, and to explore ways to minimize these adverse impacts. This report is one of three focusing of these critical transition issues. It draws from past community assistance efforts to recommend ways the government can best assist communities that may suffer economic disruption as a result of climate change policies. A report released simultaneously looks at potential impacts on American workers and a future Pew Center report will evaluate competitiveness issues.
In the case of community assistance, the government has considerable experience assisting communities adversely affected by policies such as trade agreements, defense downsizing, and forest protection. For this report, authors Judith Greenwald, Brandon Roberts, and Andrew Reamer apply lessons learned from previous adjustment programs to the challenges posed by addressing climate change. Specifically, the report examines the risks faced by communities whose economies rely heavily on energy production and energy-intensive industries. The authors conclude that a new federal adjustment program for at-risk communities should be part of U.S. climate change policy. The report recommends that the U.S. government take the following actions:
- Designate and fund the Economic Development Administration (E.D.A.) of the U.S. Department of Commerce to design and implement an economic adjustment program for communities;
- Identify and assist communities that are particularly dependent on energy-producing and energy-intensive sectors before dislocations occur;
- Leverage and integrate additional resources by involving multiple federal agencies and state and local governments through federal and regional task forces; and
- Be flexible in addressing community needs by supporting locally determined, comprehensive strategies for five to seven years after the implementation of new climate policies.
C learly, some steps recommended in these reports will require funding. As policies to address climate change are developed, revenue streams from related fees (e.g., from permit fees or auction revenues) could be used to assist with these programs. Addressing climate change through sound policy will make it possible to achieve our environmental objectives while shielding workers and communities from potential economic harm. The authors and the Pew Center are indebted to Robert Atkinson, Ev Ehrlich, and Phil Singerman for their comments on previous drafts of this report.
The world is becoming increasingly concerned about the risks of global warming from the buildup of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, but many American decision-makers are worried about the economic impacts of policies that may be needed to reduce U.S. greenhouse gas emissions. The overall size and distribution of the impacts of such policies are uncertain, and depend greatly upon how governments, businesses, consumers, and workers respond to the challenge. Efforts to avert global warming would put some American businesses, workers, and communities at risk of economic dislocation. This paper focuses on how the federal government can best assist at-risk communities. Since the burning of fossil fuels such as coal, oil, and natural gas to produce energy is a major source of greenhouse gas emissions, such communities include those with high reliance on jobs in energy production — say, coal mining in Wyoming, or oil and gas production in Louisiana — and in energy-intensive industries such as steel manufacturing in Pennsylvania.
This is not the first time that important national policies have forced economic change on particular communities. The same story has been told for trade agreements, defense downsizing, and forest protection, for example. In each case, the U.S. government helped affected communities through various forms of economic adjustment assistance. In addition, in the last 20 years, numerous U.S. communities have sought to adapt to wrenching economic change brought about by global competition and recession, both with and without federal assistance.
The United States has substantial infrastructure and experience at the federal, state, and local levels in community economic adjustment. Thus, a foundation is in place for creating a new government program to help communities adversely affected by global climate change policy. Experience in the United States and elsewhere suggests that, although economic adjustment programs do not usually remove the pain of economic disruption, appropriately designed programs can lessen that pain considerably. At the same time, there is substantial room for improvement in existing adjustment efforts.
This paper recommends a new federal adjustment program for communities as part of global climate change policy. Specifically, the United States should do the following: (1) commit to address the problem by designating a single agency, the Economic Development Administration (EDA) of the U.S. Department of Commerce, and authorizing about $550 million dedicated dollars, to design and implement an economic adjustment program; (2) be proactive by identifying communities that are particularly dependent on energy-producing and energy-intensive sectors, and by helping communities to take action before dislocations occur; (3) leverage and integrate additional resources by involving multiple federal agencies and state and local governments through federal and regional task forces; and (4) be flexible in addressing community needs by supporting locally determined, comprehensive strategies for five to seven years.
Such a program would take advantage of available experience and expertise at all levels of government, and would take into account the wide variability in local circumstances and opportunities. By doing so, it would minimize economic dislocation and maximize opportunities to create jobs and protect the environment.
About the Authors
Judith M. Greenwald
Pew Center on Global Climate Change
Brandon Roberts & Associates
Brandon Roberts, president of Brandon Roberts & Associates since 1990, is a public policy consultant specializing in economic and workforce development matters. He works primarily with state- and local-level organizations to develop and implement effective policies and program activities, and to evaluate the benefits of past efforts. He has worked in California, Delaware, Florida, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Iowa, Ohio, Oregon, and Washington; in large cities such as Baltimore, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Miami, and Portland; and on a number of projects involving community-based organizations.
Before starting his own consulting firm, Mr. Roberts served as Deputy Director of the Council of State Community Development Agencies in Washington, D.C., where he worked extensively with state economic and community development agencies and helped develop policies and strategies to address the employment needs of low-income individuals. He also has held positions in the U.S. Economic Development Administration and the Executive Office of the President. Mr. Roberts has a BS in government (1975) and a MSP in urban and regional planning (1977) from Florida State University.
Andrew D. Reamer
Andrew Reamer & Associates
Andrew Reamer, Ph.D., is Principal of Andrew Reamer & Associates, a Boston-based consulting firm specializing in economic development and public policy. Dr. Reamer received a Ph.D. in Economic Development and Public Policy (1987) and a Masters in City Planning (1981) from the Department of Urban Studies and Planning, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.